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‘EVEN THE HUTS HERE AREN’T FIT FOR PURPOSE' A Scandal in Plain Sight author GARRETT HARGAN investigates how Stormont’s neglect of Derry’s education sector is compounding the damage done by what John Hume called ‘the despicable criminal story of the second university’. Education is central to cognitive development.  But its importance stretches far beyond the acquisition of knowledge; when taken in the round, from primary to higher education, it can be the engine room that drives a city or a nation’s economy.  Why then, in Derry, has Stormont jammed a crowbar into the cogs of that engine? It should be alarming, not just for Derry folk, that 60 years after a call for a university of our own, that the government, along with a coterie of bean-counting civil servants seem intent on depriving the second city of major funding that would unlock its potential and allow it to fully contribute to the NI, and all-island, economy. Yet with the city historically pointing to lack of investment from unionist governments, there is now a strain of nationalism and republicanism in Derry that excuses neglect. They want to tell us how much the city’s economy has grown - that we are ‘thriving’.  A glaring example of this fantastical thinking was during an Economy Committee of recent times.  Sinn Féin and DUP MLAs for Foyle heaped praise on Invest NI for its commitment to Derry. It would then emerge, in the throes of probing questions during and after that meeting, that Invest NI had not brought one single new inward job to the city in 2024/25 – despite proclaiming to have a newfound focus on regional equality.  Invest NI chiefs seemed to think it was an accomplishment to get companies to venture west of the Bann to Derry, almost balking at the suggestion they need to bring jobs here. It is worth reminding our politicians that when the baseline is rock bottom, it is easier to talk of economic growth.  The cold hard fact is: Derry City & Strabane is the most deprived council area on these islands, according to reports.  If the height of a politician’s ambition is for Derry to be bottom of economic league tables, or maybe fighting to get out of the relegation zone, then they’re in the wrong line of work.  If this is ‘thriving’ then what does failure look like? Because this isn’t some abstract notion, deprivation impacts on every aspect of life: it means that people face greater health challenges, including dying younger; it impacts on educational attainment and much more.  So instead of wishing away the ugly realities, perhaps those in power can get to the root of the problem; call out inequalities; and stop gaslighting the public. * A city which uprooted the old sectarian order that dominated politics here for too long cannot be seen to be rewarded Let me be clear over the course of this analysis, education is one element of a much bigger picture.  It is nonetheless a core element that is important to explore. I’ve covered, in-depth, the issues facing the education system in Derry over recent years.  I felt it may be worthwhile, particularly for locals, if some of that information was amalgamated, rather than having it scattered around all corners of the internet. (I’m also conscious, in a world of fast news and short attention spans that most won’t sit and read 5,000 words.  That’s okay and the article will be here to dip in and out of for those who are interested in the subject matter). The university scandal is well-documented:  How Derry city was denied its own higher education institution in the 1960s in favour of Coleraine, due to what many view as a sectarian decision.  In 1970 John Hume would describe it as “the despicable criminal story of the second university”.  He even went as far saying it was “where all the present trouble started because that brought the awakening of the current public conscience”. Derry is still suffering as a result today, with subsequent missteps from power-sharing Stormont governments compounding problems here. The neglect of Derry is a recurring motif.  For the Derry city and Strabane area to be the most deprived on these islands, it isn’t just starved of one funding source.  The threads of neglect are interwoven and have fastened Derry into a straitjacket from which it needs to extricate itself. If a government denies a city the resources to build solid foundations, then it is hard, nigh on impossible, to build the necessary blocks on top.  By that I mean a university befitting a city of this size – which attracts inward investment – enabling and strengthening the case for investment in health, in better transport infrastructure, in sports facilities and the arts. As this piece is about education, it’s worth starting with primary and secondary schools and branching out. Through research, I discovered that not one Catholic Maintained or Irish Medium school in Derry received departmental funding for a new-build school for at least 14 years.  I accept that all school sectors in Derry and across NI have been impacted, but when you zoom out to look at the wider picture in Derry – the city is unique.  That is down to political choices.   Some would say, a city which uprooted the old sectarian order that dominated politics here for too long cannot be seen to be rewarded.  Obstacles are thrown in its way, excuses made that don’t surface when it comes to investment elsewhere – especially in Belfast which is lavished with billions of pounds by the power-sharing government. *  By now Stormont should have digitised all paper files at least dating back to 1998 The reason I’m restricted to 14 years is because Stormont cannot locate paper files that go further back, saying the task would be too arduous.  That in itself is a failure of governance, an oversight which is inexcusable.  Stormont should have digitised all paper files, in my view, at least dating back to 1998 – the period when the Good Friday Agreement was signed. Why is that important?   Firstly, professional record-keeping by governments is simply good practice. It would allow government departments, in this case Education, to keep track of funding.  To see at a glance how much money each school has received. That in turn allows it to determine which schools have benefitted most and those that have been left behind. Stormont should have a database of the oldest schools and records of their structural condition, including roofs (more on the relevance of that later). Record-keeping is an issue for another day.  But, to me, it highlights the amateurish way in which NI is governed.  It is not the case with the British or Irish governments whose record-keeping appears to be far superior and often publicly accessible, whereas most of the data I dig out requires Freedom of Information requests.  Stormont’s default setting is ‘secretive’.  An inquisitive mind may wonder if it’s intentional.  If you keep poor records, then you can avoid unwanted scrutiny… Pragmatism isn’t Stormont’s strong suit, animus is the order of the day, every day .  Exchanges on the hill typically go as follows …  One MLA : “Constituents are telling me that potholes are getting out of control, we need to invest in our roads.”   Second MLA responds: “You’d know all about potholes wouldn’t ye!  You supported a terrorist organisation that blew potholes the size of craters in our roads.” First MLA:  “You’ve a cheek to talk about terrorism, your Party…” Speaker: “Order!  Order!  Can we get back to the matter at hand?” First MLA continues: “As I was saying, during the Troubles your Party was…” You get the jist.  Forever trapped in a pre-peace mindset.  Incapable of dealing with the here and now.  That is pretty much the level of debate that goes on at Stormont on a daily basis and explains why little is ever achieved. * Children were literally put in harm’s way PRIMARY SCHOOLS A high-profile local issue of recent times was two primary schools, namely St Eugene’s P.S. and Nazareth House P.S., both forced to close buildings as it emerged their roofs were at risk of collapse.  Both schools had, incidentally, applied for funding through the proper channels years earlier (more on adhering to protocol later). THINK ABOUT THAT.  Children were literally put in harm’s way due to a combination of mismanagement and a scarcity of funding. Schools that applied for funding in 2017 were left waiting.  Despite sounding the alarm over the roof’s condition, an inspection at St Eugene’s was not carried out until October 2024.  Widespread rot and decay of the wooden structure was found, as well as ‘saturated’ solid walls – showing that water had been seeping into the school over a lengthy period.  Given the extent of decay uncovered, the school building was immediately shuttered and children were displaced. More than 18 months later children are still unable to return.  They are having to be accommodated in a hut in the Senior school playground; the remainder condensed into classrooms in an old building with limited space. But, the principal, in a letter I uncovered under the Freedom of Information Act, urged the Minister to visit, saying the health & safety of pupils and staff was being impacted as they were “squashed” into substandard classrooms.  Education Minister Paul Givan rejected the invitation to visit the beleaguered school community. Fast-forward to November 2025 and it was discovered that children at a second school, Nazareth House, were forced out due to an unsafe roof in the mouth of Christmas – a time when the school community comes together for nativity shows and to celebrate the calendar year coming to an end. With Stormont looming over the city like The Ghost of Christmas Yet to Come, the local community rallied round to offer a festive venue and to fill the void left by Stormont – an all-too-common theme in Derry. Another glaring example of Stormont neglect is the treatment of Bunscoil Cholmcille.  The second oldest Irish Medium primary school in the North, yet it does not have a solid brick building.  Children have no sports facilities.  To Stormont’s shame, they don’t even have an indoor toilet.  It is right to point out that Sinn Féin (1999-2016) minus collapses) and DUP Ministers (2016-2026 minus collapses) have held the education portfolio and failed to deliver for the school. Without the basics that any school should take for granted, there was a heartwarming sense of pride when I visited to speak to the principal; a palpable sense of community cohesion; a principal and staff devoted to the education of those children; and smiles on the faces of young people who are thankfully, blissfully unaware, that they deserve far better from their government. Moving to their site in 1993, Bunscoil Cholmcille was told it would only last five years before getting a permanent site and building.  The school remains in ‘temporary’ huts 33 years later.  Not only that, but Stormont can’t even maintain the huts, which I’d previously reported have a £1.4m maintenance backlog.  The huts they should not even be in aren’t even fit for purpose. * Millions of pounds more in funding has gone to two secondary schools which traditionally had/have more pupils from a Protestant background  SECONDARY The purpose of this piece isn’t to single out or criticise one sector over another.  It does however have to reflect reality in Derry city and I have previously reported on these matters.  Records show that millions of pounds more in funding has gone to two secondary schools which traditionally had/have more pupils from a Protestant background – namely Lisneal College and Foyle College – over eight majority Catholic schools.  (It should be noted that Foyle College in recent years has become the most integrated secondary school in the city, perhaps a reflection of the shifting demographics in the Waterside area). They are two of the largest, most modern secondary schools in the city.  Both were directly funded by Stormont whereas Catholic Maintained secondary schools in St Mary’s and St Cecilia’s had to be built via the Private Finance Initiative (PFI) – a problematic scheme that sees governments paying off private companies for up to 30 years and more.  Recently, concerns were raised about some of these buildings being handed back in poor condition across Britain.  The reason it is important to reference the PFI scheme is because it fits a pattern of major capital projects in Derry being outsourced for others to finance, such as the Irish Government and EU.  For example, the Irish Government is investing close to £40m in a teaching block at Magee.  Stormont’s Economy Department, responsible for higher education, invested only £18m at Magee over a 10-year period from 2013-2023.  That is a damning statistic for Stormont and an example of its indifference towards Derry.  The EU has funded the Peace Bridge and NW Transport Hub, and will also provide £9m+ towards an Ulster University sports dome. (I can’t think of a major investment in sports by UU/Stormont at Magee – again, why does it have to be outsourced when it comes to Derry?) Foyle College is without doubt the most impressive looking school in Derry.  Palatial compared to some others: fitting then that Princess Anne officially opened it.  The school has grounds in front of it that many would envy as their entire footprint. And while the department desperately tried to hide the level of sports facilities available at schools so that I could not compare them, I discovered that Foyle has a whopping 15 outdoor pitches and courts. 1 Hockey Pitch - Sand Dressed Astroturf 3G 4 Rugby Pitches - Grass 5 Tennis Courts - Sand Dressed Astroturf 3G 2 Cricket Squares – Grass 1 Hockey Pitch – Shale/grit 1 Rugby Training Pitch – Grass 1 Football Sports Pitch – Grass To reiterate, I don’t begrudge any school facilities.  There are however schools in close proximity with zero pitches to play on.  There are schools with roofs at risk of collapse.  There are children learning in rotting huts, while others have gold-standard facilities in the same city.  That is not giving children an equal opportunity to excel.  Sport is crucial for physical and mental health; moreover, if we want to produce elite athletes, and why shouldn’t Derry aspire to that, then schools need adequate facilities – that requires money! Then if we look at Lisneal College.  The school was given money for an upgraded 3G pitch and a multi-million pound extension months after meeting DUP Ministers.  The pitch was allegedly approved due to health & safety risks – the only way it could be at a time when ‘unavoidable works’ were supposed to be prioritised.  However, I then unearthed that the man responsible for inspecting the pitch could not attribute injuries to its condition.  THAT WAS THE VERY PREMISE ON WHICH FUNDING WAS AWARDED. After speaking to the school’s principal at the time, Minister Paul Givan also wanted to know how legal constraints might be overcome to deliver a sports dome at the same school.  Yes: A. Sports. Dome … when some others had/have zero or outmoded pitches. * Child safety is well down the list of priorities here when we could be bickering about a flag Research I conducted proved this was no one-off, Lisneal had received preferential treatment over many years.  It consistently got more money for maintenance, in the years after opening close to £940k, with another secondary school in the area getting just £52k over the same period; in 2012 it was one of only two schools in Derry noted to have a councillor on the board, notably a DUP Cllr who remained until recently; in 2021 it was the only school in the Foyle area to be granted a temporary variation in pupil numbers; in 2022/23 it was down as one of three schools to get additional accommodation as it was given additional Year 8 places; it was at one time (and still may be) the only school in the Western Trust area with a dedicated nurse; and secured a significant extension after being selected as one of only 10 schools across NI for a special educational needs pilot programme; in 2024/25 it received £1.7m for minor works, three other local secondary schools got £0, while the closest to Lisneal was St Joseph’s Boys’ School on £292k. Some other schools in the city can’t get funding for much-needed new builds, unavoidable roofing works, while a secondary school has to use council-facilities for sports. In the wake of the Lisneal controversy, EA officials said roofs would ‘always’ be prioritised.  I recently reported that hundreds of roofing applications from 2017 have been left in limbo.  So there could be many more schools in the same position as St Eugene’s.  With unsafe roofs above the heads of children.  It was interesting that there was a pretty muted response to that story (seemingly child safety is well down the list of priorities here when we could be bickering about a flag). A final point on this is that DUP politicians and Stormont officials were keen to repeatedly say that only Priority 1 projects or Unavoidable Works were being progressed at present.  But then Mr Givan decided to create a new curriculum-led capital programme to allow for physical education facilities at schools.  Nobody can argue that exercise is extremely important for children – it is extremely important for physical and mental well-being.  Yet that is besides the point, because for years the education department and EA were rejecting schools for such facilities because ONLY UNAVOIDABLE WORKS were being progressed.  Then Mr Givan decided that Priority 3 would be placed above Priority 1 projects.  So while hundreds of Priority 1 roofing projects were left for nine years, threatening the safety of children, some other schools were getting new sports facilities.  And with a prioritisation system so utterly dysfunctional, how could we know if schools awarded funding were in greatest need. *  Strabane only got £53k between 2014-2023.  At the same time, the Economy Department dished out around £100m for FE colleges in Coleraine and Ballymena FURTHER EDUCATION Further Education in Derry is worth touching on as the Northland Building at North West Regional College was done under a PFI scheme.  Why does funding for Derry not come directly from Stormont? Then look at Strabane, one of, if not, the  most deprived areas in the North.  It was rejected for an FE build.  That now has to be done via the City Deal. Stormont is responsible for funding education – Stormont should be providing facilities for people in Strabane. It SHOULD NOT require a bespoke fund from the British Government, which then had to be matched by Stormont, along with contributions from Council and other stakeholders. The fact is, according to figures obtained under the FoI Act, Strabane only got £53k between 2014-2023.  At the same time, the Economy Department, run by a DUP Minister dished out around £100m for FE colleges in Coleraine and Ballymena – areas considered DUP heartlands.  More than £140m was spent on FE colleges in other areas too with, for example, Armagh getting about £35m. There was no shortage of money (UU Belfast cost £370m), but Economy Ministers were saying there was none for Derry to expand Ulster University’s Magee campus, nor for Strabane to get a modern FE College. * Derry’s chances of thriving were thrown on the scrap heap for another generation HIGHER EDUCATION The Magee saga is well-documented.  For emphasis, it is worth noting figures to show the chasmic gap in funding between Belfast and Derry. Nowhere on these islands has a higher proportion of the student population than Belfast.  In fact, nowhere else comes close.  Dublin is next in line with around 40% of the south’s student population, yet, you will get politicians in the south bemoaning its dominance.  Have a peak up North.  And don’t float the nonsense that NI is so small that investment in Belfast benefits everybody.  It doesn’t even benefit parts of West and North Belfast, which are among the most deprived in Ireland and Britain.  It most certainly doesn’t filter up to the NW, with Derry & Strabane topping the table as the most deprived council area on these islands. Belfast holds around 84% of NI’s student population.  Why?  Well, whenever Ministers/MLAs/civil servants were talking down the prospect of expanding Magee, on the basis that it would cost too much money, they couldn’t wait to approve the relocation of UU Jordanstown a few miles in the road to Belfast city centre.  It became an instant ‘flagship’ Executive project.  It was going to revitalise that part of Belfast city centre.  And so it has done, with businesses gravitating towards it. It’s a pity the same goodwill does not extend as far as Derry.  Sometimes MLAs or civil servants engage in subterfuge, pretending they are supportive of Magee expansion in public but there is a different story behind closed doors.  Take the current Communities Minister Gordon Lyons. I uncovered that back in March 2020 that he wrote on behalf of ONE student, arguing that health science courses should go to Coleraine instead of Derry and reminding the Economy Minister Diane Dodds that she held the purse strings.   Another example was a senior civil servant writing what was described as an anti-Derry attack sheet, which defied logic (and economics) by questioning the benefits of a university in Derry.   Other times candour is the order of the day. In the case of Diane Dodds she spilled the flavourless own-brand beans, cooked up privately by Lyons, in the most public of forums. When Ulster University eventually decided to move the Health Science courses to Magee (at a time when up to £100m of City Deal money was being dangled as a carrot), Mrs Dodds proceeded to make “very clear” to UU’s Vice Chancellor that it is “dependent on funding from my Department” – a not-so-subtle public rebuke and perhaps a warning about any plans for further expansion at Magee instead of Coleraine. The same politicians/civil servants are however completely convinced by the benefits of large-scale investment in Belfast and the east.  I can’t quite put my finger on why that is… As a result of politicians (of all hues) misguidedly agreeing that Belfast should get the sort of preferential treatment not afforded to any other main city on these islands, Derry’s chances of thriving were thrown on the scrap heap for another generation.   I say that, because even with plans for 10,000 students; even with a taskforce and Sinn Fein-run department adding fresh impetus, that target is decidedly modest.  Derry should be judged against a city of a similar size in Galway, which already has around 25,000+ students and is leaving Derry in the dust.  What happened when the Executive gifted Belfast 84% of the student population was that money then followed those students.  Close to one billion pounds flowed into Belfast, primarily to Ulster University and Queen’s University between 2013-2023 – amounting to around 95% of NI’s total capital spend on higher education. Over the same period Magee got just £25m (2.67%) of NI’s higher education capital spend – with pledges to expand the university here broken time and again. Yet when challenged over this mind-boggling disparity between first and second cities during a visit to Magee, former Sinn Fein Economy Minister Conor Murphy stood over UU Belfast saying it had revitalised that area.  Seemingly unapologetic about the repercussions for Derry city.  When further challenged over the lack of investment at Magee from the Economy Department over years, in October 2024, Mr Murphy began quoting higher figures without clearly stating the investment he was referencing included   Shared Island Funding and City Deal/Inclusive Future Fund – justifying the outsourcing of investment in Derry. * Set aside the nonsense excuses: Stormont and UU have little money left for Magee because monumental sums were spent in Belfast As facts are important,  where Sinn Fein deserves credit is in delivering the biggest single year investment at the campus when compared to the 12 years prior under DUP  and Alliance (Stephen Farry when it was the department for Employment and Learning) leadership.  Some of that is down to timing of course.  But Sinn Fein pushed for the acquisition of buildings to facilitate Magee expansion, it is hard to imagine a DUP Minister doing likewise given the party’s loyalty to Coleraine, c.f. comments of Mrs Dodds (referenced above). In recent weeks the NI Civil Service position on Magee expansion reared its head once more.  A senior official spoke of not having the £40m revenue funding necessary for expansion.  Straight away certain news organisation formulated excuses.  The bottom line is, given that c.84% of students are based in Belfast, that is where the vast, vast majority of revenue funding currently goes.  Stormont parties/NICS happily greenlight massive higher education expansion in Belfast then speak in solemn tones about being short of money for Derry – some things never change. Another excuse I heard on the radio, unbelievably, is that some people (presumably myself included) refer to the difference in spend between Belfast and Derry.  Yes, indeed I do, as it is very relevant.  The fact it is omitted from most discussions is an indictment of the media here and a prime example of Belfast-centrism.   The point was made that UU Belfast got a loan to finish the project.  Over 10 years from 2013/14 to 2021/22, UU Belfast/Jordanstown got £174m-plus in Financial Transaction Capital Loan Funding.  How is that offered up as a valid excuse?  It is a huge loan that was never in doubt.  There was always going to be collective agreement to see UU Belfast built.   The same united front has never existed when it comes to investment in Derry – demographics here may be central to that.  And with Executive agreement required for the £40m revenue that effectively means, if one of the big two parties doesn’t want Magee to move forward, they hold a veto. But let’s set the £174m+ loan aside for that period.  About £200m was still spent on the campus.  According to FoI figures I have, UU itself spent about £116m.  I’ll gently remind you, UU spent just £7m in capital funding at Magee over the same period.  Now it is regularly saying it does not have funds for purpose-built student accommodation in Derry.  I would suggest that is because it spent £116m in Belfast and has to pay back the aforementioned huge loan at an annual rate of £6.3m, with interest of around £400k per year. So, set aside all of the nonsense excuses fed to you by some news outlets and the omission of key figures: Stormont and Ulster University have little money left for Magee because monumental sums were spent in Belfast.  That is it in a nutshell.  Others want to obfuscate by making it sound more complicated.  And they want to tell you that in order for Magee to be expanded to a modest 10k students, then the whole higher education system needs to be turned on its head and student fees need to be hiked, while the Republic’s tuition fees are about half those in the North.  Magee expansion is being put on a collision course with higher tuition fees, whenever that threat never hung over higher education growth in Belfast. * Facts don’t lie and in 2024/25, Invest NI brought zero new inward jobs to Derry The higher education spend mentioned above is only the tip of a golden iceberg for Belfast.  Invest NI openly admits that because Belfast has the infrastructure, students, and domination over business sectors, that when investors visit NI, there is only one show in town.  Businesses want students with skills falling out the door and filling their offices, ergo the vast majority choose Belfast.  There seems to be little effort to spread wealth anywhere else, despite ‘regional balance’ becoming a buzz phrase at Stormont.  Facts don’t lie and in 2024/25, Invest NI brought zero new inward jobs to Derry.  When it comes to the arts, well, Belfast routinely gobbles up about three quarters of that funding too.  You can be sure that trend is then repeated with other funding pots, whether it be health (£700m for maternity and children’s hospitals), sports (tens of millions of pounds spent on Windsor Park, Ravenhill and potentially Casement in time) or transport (£340m dropped on Grand Central Station). To conclude, this all leads to an isolated North West.  It is right to acknowledge that Derry is moving forward, albeit at a glacial pace.  Aesthetically, it could be argued it is the nicest city in the North; the river front is a real asset; there is the contrast of ancient City Walls and a modern edge with the Peace Bridge leading to the newest public realm space in at Ebrington; and importantly, a friendly and welcoming population.  City Deal funding and a vision of transforming the riverfront would be a serious boost, allowing for a tree-lined and natural flow between the east and west banks.  But…  But…  Neglect from Stormont should never be excused.  And on the evidence laid out above, Derry city could and should already be a hive of energy, of youthful exuberance and capable of showcasing the best of itself to the world – if even given a moderate level of funding. The City Deal vision, finally delivering a long-awaited medical school ( why did it have to be outsourced? ) and other projects are likely to be dripped down over 10-20 years – it has already been five years since the City Deal announcement was made.  That is no cash injection.  It is funding any city should get.  Westminster and Stormont have saved themselves hundreds of millions of pounds through lack of investment in Derry over decades. Right now, many young people have no option but to leave the city aged 18 to study elsewhere and it's known that many never return.  Why would they when the government isn’t investing in their futures? What compels them to stay when Invest NI has been incapable of attracting one new inward job in 2024/25 and opines that it is difficult to even get investors to visit Derry?  When Arts Council NI justifies Belfast routinely sucking up three quarters of all arts funding?  When education chiefs say that the system is working as designed whenever a school that didn’t apply for a pitch is prioritised over those that applied for unsafe roofs to be fixed?  When the Environment Minister doesn’t have the funds to fix a toxic dump threatening Derry’s drinking water?  When the Sports Minister overlooks NW clubs for the NI Football Fund?  When the Health Minister says he does not have the ability to upgrade an old A&E at Altnagelvin Hospital but the Executive finds £700+ down the back of the sofa for Maternity/Children’s Hospitals in Belfast?  When the Infrastructure Minister dallies over £1m to equalise train services in the west so that Derry can avail of hourly trains on a Sunday, but Stormont splurges £340m on Grand Central Station? Ambitious young people will leave for pastures new in search of work, and who could blame them?   Until Derry breaks free of the Stormont straitjacket, it will never realise its full potential. * Ministers have to manage funding properly and demonstrate that there is a transparent and fair system in operation SIMPLE IDEAS As some people like to say, ‘it’s easy to complain, what would you do differently?’ Firstly, I’m not paid a massive salary as a politician or senior civil servant to find solutions. But here are a few simple points. Stormont should actually record data in an efficient manner.  They should have a database split into the different school sectors and areas.  So they know how much went to each school and how much money is going to each area of the North.  I’ve requested such information so I know it doesn’t exist in an easily accessible format.  Unless I’m being lied to.  If it were recorded properly, we would have some idea of whether money is being fairly allocated. Three historic schools within a one-mile radius of each other all had serious roofing problems and were left waiting for years until inspections were carried out.  I would suggest there should be a spreadsheet of the oldest schools and when they last had roofing works done.  Periodic inspections of roofs and structural integrity isn’t beyond comprehension in a first world country.  We are talking about child safety here, or am I being too optimistic?  There should be a clear and transparent prioritisation system.  That doesn’t mean one for the department (managing non-controlled schools) and a completely separate one for EA (managing controlled schools).  That is not fair in any way, shape or form.  One system for ALL schools so they are being treated on a par with one another. Once applications are prioritised, the department and EA should work through them from the school project ranked most immediate and move down that list.  That sounds like a basic principle, but it isn’t happening right now.  The 2017 minor works call attracted more than 6,000 applications – the department and EA prioritised 550 applications.  The department and EA couldn’t even tell me how many of those were completed.  It then moved to what appears to be a random selection system whereby schools raised concerns and the authorities reacted.  If the works are not being progressed based on a strict ranking system, then that clearly opens up the possibility of favouritism towards some schools or political influence.  In the case of Lisneal, it was progressed after emails were sent by the principal.  So it was placed above thousands of projects that were not progressed from 2017. Funding is clearly an issue with hundreds of schools competing for a small pot.  But every single department would love more funding.  Ministers/departments also have to manage funding properly and demonstrate that there is a transparent and fair system in operation. It is obvious that plenty of schools have to amalgamate.  Pupil numbers are contracting, thus there is less need for so many schools.  But politicians/school leaders/the likes of the Catholic Council for Maintained Schools seem reluctant to set out a plan to deal with that reality.  It is a vote loser for politicians so they don’t touch it.  In the absence of political courage, old schools are crumbling and children are learning in a substandard environment.  Though do not mistake that as an excuse for a government allowing schools to decay to the point of forced closures.  That should NEVER be tolerated.  If schools are to amalgamate, it should be done in a managed way, with agreement from communities and I think it could be done if the right people are willing to step up.  Politicians won’t grasp the nettle, someone else has to. Investment in Derry and Strabane should not be outsourced. Stormont should take the reigns for once by investing in major capital projects. A full-sized university should be built as soon as possible, with the necessary student accommodation, infrastructure and public transport improvements needed to facilitate growth at pace. That will require Ulster University treating Derry as a priority. It will require Executive agreement that Derry matters – commitment that has never been non-existent for most of Stormont’s existence. * Garrett Hargan pictured at the launch of A Scandal in Plain Sight (Colmcille Press) at Ráth Mór in August 2024. He was subsequently presented with a civic award by the Mayor for his campaigning work.

Colmcille Press and North West Regional College have partnered to trial new voice replication technology*, designed to help authors and independent publishers create professional audiobooks quickly and affordably. For the first of three pilots, produced by Aaron McKeever, Consultant at NWRC's XR Hub, author Felicity McCall reads the title story from her new short-story collection What We Did on Our Holidays . Voice replication software uses deep-learning algorithms and neural networks to extract unique acoustic features—such as pitch, timbre, and prosody—from a target speaker's audio data to synthesise a high-fidelity digital replica capable of generating new speech with the original speaker's vocal identity. It has the potential to enable the automated production of personalised audiobooks, so allowing authors to narrate their own digital works indefinitely. Other applications include preserving a parent's vocal presence for reading to children, and streamlining cost-effective, high-volume audio content creation for publishers.